مفاجئة المنتدي:مشروع تخطيط وادي النيل مع الوفد السويسري

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 05:49 pm عدل 3 مرات

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 01:46 pm عدل 1 مرات

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 01:49 pm عدل 1 مرات

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 01:50 pm عدل 1 مرات

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 01:50 pm عدل 1 مرات

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 01:52 pm عدل 1 مرات

City Core



The
research topic «City core» covers the territory of the historical core
of the city of Assiut, the largest town in the Upper Egypt with some
500’000 inhabitants and located 230 kilometres to the South of Cairo.
Like El-Minya or Sohag, Assiut is a regional centre in the Nile valley
providing the surrounding territory with services (for instance, the
University of Assiut is third largest in Egypt and it is a place where
70’000 students receive education). Assiut also has a large Coptic
Christian community and it is the region’s most important agricultural
centre, dealing in cotton and grain.
The cities in the valley
have been founded directly along the Nile on a topographical elevation,
and their histories go back to the times of ancient Egypt. Assiut
itself has been founded in pharaonic times, and was historically an
important destination for travellers, traders and camel caravans
arriving through the desert from Darfur in Sudan. Until 1850, the
largest slave market in Egypt was located in Assiut. However historic
layers, whether ancient or modern, are not easily recognizable in
Assiut, in a manner that they would be made visible in a European city.
Assiut is less concerned with its history than with its everyday life,
in which some ancient ways of trading or living can be found mixed with
contemporary ones, in spontaneous and lively manner.

Download as PDF

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 01:58 pm عدل 1 مرات

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 01:54 pm عدل 1 مرات

Desert City




The
research on New Assiut investigates another paradigm of the current
development of urbanisation in Egypt and the Nile Valley – the so
called New Towns developments or Desert Cities - established in the
mid-70s by the GOE as a large scale urbanisation program and part of
the New Town Policy. In this period the government first recognized
that the inhabited areas along the Nile – especially in the Greater
Cairo Region - were no longer able to absorb the growing population and
therefore decided to open ‘the door to conquest the desert’.
In the
aftermath of the revolution under Gamal Nasser, attempts to modernise
the country through a strongly state regulated policy were launched
(ie. the Greater Cairo Region Master Scheme.) They were calling for
creation of four industrial new towns that would generate the advent of
modern peasantry – and turn the peasants into city dwellers.
His
successor Anwar Sadat had turned these ideas into an ambitious program
of building of fourteen New Towns - the so-called First generation of
Desert Cities - that would not only be concentrated in the Greater
Cairo Region but would also spread in the desert along the Nile Valley.
While the population of these new towns was at first restricted to
about 500’000, the new satellite settlements – the Second generation -
launched in mid-80s with a size of about 120’000 inhabitants were
planned additionally in the desert territories surrounding Cairo. In
parallel of New Settlements or New Towns of the Third generation were
established as twin-towns or sister-towns to provincial cities along
the Nile.
Originally, they were planed to attract both private
and public investors and to provide the working classes with public
housing. However, the adoption of neoliberal dogma by the government in
the aftermath of the early 90s IWF and World Bank program to
restructure the Egyptian economy had an enormous impact on the future
of this form of desert urbanisation.
An opening to foreign
investments and a shift to a massive real estate boom and speculation
in the private sector had changed the original idea of the New Town
program drastically, as they were no longer in the service of the
demands of the increasing population, but merely fulfilling the desires
of a rising upper middle class elite. Today the real estate market is
becoming one of the largest economic factors for state revenues.
New Assiut – being the Third generation New Towns – is a good example
of the current stage of this development. A large area of its public
housing facilitated with minimal public infrastructure is already
completed, but the major part of the future city, which offers plots to
the private market, is still under construction. The state had reduced
its involvement in the development down to the lying of a road and
infrastructure networks, and private developers are allowed to
construct houses within a time frame of maximum five years. This very
slow construction process creates an almost surreal condition of the
urban fabric – the city not yet inhabited has an appearance of a ghost
town.

Download as PDF

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 01:55 pm عدل 1 مرات

Production and Industries - Needs of a valley



The
research focuses on the various modes of production within the Nile
Valley, and the ways, often improvisational, in which they are able to
overcome the conditions of scarcity of recourses and the lack of
financial incentives - these small and basic markets and production
sites have to satisfy the needs and the demands of the large and
increasing population.
Although there were several large efforts
to modernise the country, an industrial shift never replaced the
agricultural production in Egypt. This fact becomes apparent when
looking at the labour employment numbers - industries entail only about
17%, agriculture 32%, and service economies (including tourism,
real-estate market, etc) lead with 51%. Since the revolution in 1952
and the subsequent nationalisation, most of the industrial areas in
Egypt became almost exclusively a state undertaking. In 1970 under
Sadat an authority for industrial free zones was established in order
to attract private investments in the industrial production.
Subsequently two different models appeared out of this new apparatus:
first, industrial cities as part of the first generation of new towns
concentrated around Cairo and second, industrial areas in the different
Governorates. The Governorates throughout Egypt and along the Nile were
quick to establish industrial zones themselves, with support from the
‘Industrial Development Authority’. These areas tended to be large
demarcated zones at the fringe of the Valley to the desert, but often
lacking in infrastructure, water supplies, power etc. Many of these
areas were established without feasibility studies on the nature of
local market demands. Until today many of the formal organized
industrial productions seem to have failed. This is also due to the
large distances between such production sites and the populated areas
where cheaper labour would have been available.
A widespread
phenomenon of developing countries in which production is based within
informal economies is in the case of Egypt represented by a very unique
type of microenterprises or workshops. Since generations such
enterprises are organised as family holdings and build on highly
connected social networks, which enable them to operate productively
and sustain themselves ‘outside’ of the formal markets. In Cairo for
example, such networks are visible in spatial arrangements of ‘clusters
of workshops’ - the neighbourhood of shoemakers, the neighbourhood of
metal workshops, etc. In the region of Assiut other specific spatial
and organisational patterns are appearing such as continuous rows of
informal workshops along main roads leading to urban centres.

Download as PDF

عدل سابقا من قبل AhMaD JaMaL في 13/11/09, 01:56 pm عدل 1 مرات

Nexus of the Nile - Rural mass transit in Assiut



This
research question starts from a premise that the Nile Valley is a
rapidly urbanising condition marked by an increasing population growth
and with densities that exceed 2000 people per square kilometre. This
high density generates a dense and highly interconnected network of
settlements - villages and urban areas - spread along the Valley in.
The question can be raised as to how this unique condition of the dense
linear urbanisation creates its own specific systems of transport and
flows of people and goods. What types of mobility infrastructures are
present and what are the different modalities of transportation? Which
parts of this system are provided by the state and which are
self-organized?
Until today there is no private involvement in the
building of infrastructure and the government is still the sole
provider of public infrastructures for the whole country. Various
institutional arrangements orchestrate the different hierarchies and
types of transportation and infrastructure: for instance, the Ministry
of Transport is mainly responsible for the national primary and
regional road networks, while the different governorates and the MHUUD
(Ministry of Housing, Utilities, and Urban Development) are in charge
of developing infrastructure for the local districts and New Towns
along the Valley.
The conditions of the road infrastructure are
surprisingly good; they are well maintained and street lightning seems
omnipresent especially in the new town areas. By contrast, the
modalities of public transport seem to decrease strikingly. This
imbalance can be traced as a consequence of the neoliberal economic
shift in the early 90s, which resulted in shortage of public subsidies
in favour of privatisation. This situation is further clarified when
looking at the railway system and the public bus system. The Egyptian
Railway Authority ERA struggles to keep its existing system in
operation, since the fares are heavily subsidized and the railways are
frequently lacking in funds. The public bus systems in Egyptian cities
are run by separate authorities under control of Governorates, and have
been loosing passengers since the 90s due to the rising popularity of
private minibuses which operate on fixed routes and ae considered a
more reliable mode of collective transportation.

Download as PDF

ماشاءالله
بجد مجهود رائع يا بشمهندس جزيت خيرا
وربنا يكرمك ويكرم جميع الطلبة ولاعضاء هيئة التدريس وللوفد السويسري طبعا على المجهود ده ويجعله في ميزان حسناتكم ان شاءالله
بجد بافتخر اني في قسم عمارة جامعة اسيوط

نورتي الموضوع يا ندى

بس متأكد من حكاية ربنا يحطها في ميزان حسناتهم؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟؟
------------------------------
ويا ريهام اللي يسأل ميتوهش

وانا كنت بدورعلى المشروع دا من بدري

وفيه الخير سعد هوا اللي دلني عليه

وشكرا للجميع

انا هشوف المشروع دا وهرد عليك

بس شكله كويس

شكا يا بشمهندسة سارة على المرور واتمنى ان الاستفادة تكون للجميع

ياااااااااااااااه جميل والله يا احمد انك نزلته ربنا يكرمك

فعلا مفاااااااااجئة

اي خدمة يا اسماء

عشان الكل يستاد والموضوع فعلا مفيد لاي باحث عن اي معلومة عن مركز اسيوط

الموضوع التاني لحكم المحكمة

عجبني لانه مفيد وحسيت اني جزء من العمل الكبير دا واتمني ان الكل يستفيد منه